Bloodborne HIV: Don't Get Stuck!

Protect yourself from bloodborne HIV during healthcare and cosmetic services

Control Element More Evident than Prevention in Uganda’s HIV Bill


Another article on Uganda’s idiotic HIV/AIDS Prevention and Control Bill says the country is going have a bill that compels men to test for HIV along with their partners when their partners are pregnant. I can see a lot of fatherhood denials resulting from this. But this bill, which claims to be punishing men (who all deserve to be punished, right?), will be a lot more threatening to women.

HIV prevalence is higher among women (8.3%) than men (6.1%) and women are already under a lot of pressure to be tested for HIV when pregnant. This means that a lot more women are aware of their status and it is unlikely they will be able to claim not to know their status if they have ever been pregnant, especially if they live in an urban area (urban prevalence 8.7%, rural 7%) and can afford some healthcare (richest quintile prevalence 8.2%, poorest quintile 6.3%).

Ugandan politicians are probably not aware of the terrible conditions in health facilities in their country as they and their families always seem to go abroad when they need healthcare. But they should be aware that health facilities there, especially reproductive health facilities, may be dangerous places. A very expensive survey is carried out every now and again called the Service Provision Assessment and they should familiarize themselves with it. Almost all Ugandan women attend an antenatal facility at least once, and more than half give birth in a health facility and receive the assistance of a skilled health professional.

Given such conditions in healthcare facilities, maybe Ugandan politicians should make sure HIV and other diseases are not being transmitted through healthcare and other skin-piercing procedures before passing a bill that seems to assume that transmission is all a result of unsafe sex. They don’t seem to have any idea of the possible consequences of such a bill.

[There have been quite a number of HIV infections in Uganda that have been unexplained by sexual behavior and are probably healthcare related. To read more, visit our Cases and Investigations page for Uganda.]

South Africa Continues to Fail to Reduce HIV Transmission


UNAIDS is strange, perhaps stranger than their numerous UN siblings. They have a single disease as their brief and they have spent 20 years learning next to nothing about it. They keep collecting data about sex, because they insist that HIV is almost always transmitted through unsafe sexual behavior in high prevalence African countries, but nowhere else. They have to shore up their arguments by appealing to prejudices, such as popular beliefs about ‘African’ sexuality, the brutish mentality of African men (yes, all of them) and the pathetic victim status of African women.

So it comes as a bit of a shock to them when they accidentally carry out research that casts doubt on their fondly held prejudices. A paper entitled ‘Sexual relationship power is unexpectedly not associated with unprotected sex in tavern populations in South Africa‘ is a case in point. Of course, alcohol abuse is a terrible social problem in South Africa (and many other countries), and needs to be addressed urgently. So is violence against women, gender based crime and a whole host of other social problems that are endemic in countries with a large proportion of very poor people who live in virtually uninhabitable environments.

UNAIDS is almost as old as South Africa’s epidemic, where prevalence stood at less than 1% in 1990 but rose rapidly to more than 25% over a decade ago and has not dropped below that figure since [I should clarify, these figures are for antenatal clinic attendees, not for the male and female 15-49 year old population, among whom prevalence is 18.8%]. The yearly HIV reports that South Africa shoves out are almost entirely about sexual behavior, with next to nothing about non-sexual transmission of HIV, via unsafe healthcare, cosmetic and traditional practices. I wonder how long it will take before anyone notices that they clearly haven’t even started to understand the worst HIV epidemic in the world.

[For more about sexual transmission risks and HIV prevention, have a look at some estimated risks from various sexual practices.]

What Kind of HIV Risks do Public Sector Employees Face? Sexual? Non-Sexual?


An article in the Arusha Times claims that public sector employees may be more vulnerable to HIV. This is not too surprising because HIV prevalence is higher among employed than unemployed people in Tanzania and a lot of other higher prevalence countries. Prevalence is also higher among urban dwelling people, wealthier people, and various other groups.

But the question is, why is their risk higher, often much higher? One of those cited in the article is said to have urged “married couples to go for tests on their HIV status without any suspicion on who among the two was to blame in case he or she tested positive”. Maybe neither are ‘to blame’. Many HIV positive people are married to or living with only one, HIV negative person. They don’t know how they were infected. However, the HIV industry insists that they were almost definitely infected through unsafe sex. Perhaps public sector employees face non-sexual risks, such as those from unsafe healthcare, traditional or cosmetic practices?

[There have been a number of unexpected infections in infants and young adults in Tanzania in the 1980s and 1990s and these may have been cases of healthcare associated HIV, but they have yet to be investigated.]

US College Students Practice Using Sex in Advertising in Kenya


Some US college students have set up a fake profile on Tinder to “turns flirty conversation into a serious talk about men’s health for the month of June, which is Men’s Health Month in the US”. I’m not sure what that has to do with Kenya, but their work is described as “talking dirty to dirtbags”, so they are certainly in tune with the HIV industry’s ‘all men are bastards, all women are victims’ mentality.

But I thought the US had learned its lesson from other ‘fake’ campaigns; perhaps not.

Uganda Taking UNAIDS’s Propaganda to its Illogical Conclusion


Since HIV first became a media football, various commentators have obsessed about the idea that there are lots of people who deliberately transmit HIV. There were loads of stories about it in the early days, and they still appear every now and again. One of the countries to take this idea most seriously is Uganda, who have created a law that purports to be aimed at people who ‘deliberately’ transmit HIV.

The fact that there are probably very few such people, if any, won’t worry those supporting the passing of the bill. Some of them have got a lot of mileage out of victim blaming, while making no effort whatsoever to reduce HIV transmission, or to reduce any other kind of human suffering.

This bill may have the unintended effect of criminalizing the work of people who work with skin piercing instruments, such as health care workers, traditional practitioners and cosmetic workers, who all may break skin and draw blood every working day, whether deliberately or by accident, and who may inadvertently infect a client with hepatitis, HIV or some other blood born pathogen.

Uganda has failed to establish how HIV is still being transmitted at a rate high enough to keep prevalence at about the same level for over 10 years. Now they are blaming anyone they can think of rather than reconsidering the epidemic in their country. Perhaps receiving global attention for speaking openly about the virus in the early days counted as doing something then, but now, after nearly three decades of continuing high rates of transmission, being open is not enough.

It’s time to investigate infections, trace partners and, more importantly, to investigate non-sexual risks, such as those people face when visiting health facilities, traditional and cosmetic practitioners. Being open about HIV means being open about how the virus is spread, rather than continuing to rant on about individual sexual behavior. That cash cow is drying up, anyhow, so now is a good time for this weaning process to begin.

[For more about non-sexual HIV risks, visit our Healthcare Risks and Cosmetic Risks for HIV]

It’s not Condoms that are Failing to Protect Against HIV, it’s UNAIDS


At the beginning of this month, David Gisselquist took a careful look at UNAIDS’ ‘Modes of Transmission’ model and found it seriously lacking, grossly overestimating HIV transmission among couples in long term relationships in Malawi. As a result of this flaw, the model gives results which appear to support the extremely racist view that most Africans in high HIV prevalence countries, male and female, engage in a lot of unsafe sex, and mainly sex with people other than their partners.

David shows how the Modes of Transmission model currently estimates that 81% of Malawi’s 95,000 new HIV infections were accounted for by spousal transmission. If you remove the flaw, the percentage goes down to 20%, leaving 60% of all infections unaccounted for by the model (non-sexual transmissions from mother to child make up much of the remainder). How were all those other people infected, including the women who are said to have infected their babies?

It is very likely that a substantial number of HIV infections in Malawi and other high prevalence countries are a result of non-sexual transmission, such as through unsafe healthcare, cosmetic procedures and traditional practices. The much lauded ‘ABC’ (Abstain, Be faithful, use Condoms) approach to HIV prevention does not work, not because many Africans actually live up to the stereotypical ‘all men are bastards, all women are hapless victims’, but because HIV is not always transmitted through heterosexual sex.

Consider condoms, which are a great technology for reducing unplanned pregnancies, many sexually transmitted infections and sexually transmitted HIV, through anal and vaginal intercourse. But a number of surveys have found that HIV prevalence is very high among those who use condoms. Indeed, prevalence is often higher among those who at least sometimes use condoms than among those who never use them. The following chart is from the relevant Demographic and Health Survey for four countries.

 HIV Prev Condom Use

In some cases, HIV prevalence is 50% higher among those who sometimes use condoms than among those who never use them, sometimes 100%. Shocking? Only if you think HIV transmission in high prevalence African countries is all about sex. Consider another set of figures, this time for condom use at last sexual intercourse in past 12 months. The figures for those who have not had sex in the past 12 months also raise questions (data from DHS surveys). You could suggest that people are not honest, or that people who are infected are ‘abstaining’, but it is far more vital to figure out exactly how people are being infected in order to prevent further infections.

HIV Prev Condom Use 12 Months

Why are HIV prevalence figures so much higher among people who say they sometimes use condoms? I can only tell you what I think; condom use is completely irrelevant to non-sexually transmitted HIV. That sounds obvious, but UNAIDS insist that almost all transmission is through heterosexual sex, yet they stand by figures like these. It is not possible for HIV prevalence to be so much lower among those who never use condoms if almost all HIV transmission is sexual. But there may be an explanation for why those who sometimes use condoms seem so much more likely to be infected.

HIV prevalence is often highest among wealthier, urban dwelling, employed, female, better educated people who live in wealthier countries that have reasonable access to reproductive healthcare services, a relatively low population density and sometimes a higher urban population (but not always). People who answer that description, people who can tick at least some of those boxes (some of the factors are interdependent), it seems, are also more likely to use condoms.

So it is not a case of people with the above characteristics using condoms, yet still being more likely to be infected with HIV, but rather a case of those same people being more likely to be infected with HIV through unsafe healthcare or some other non-sexual route. Once you challenge the sexual behavior paradigm the rest is clear: condoms are irrelevant to non-sexual HIV transmission. It only sounds unintuitive if you keep clinging to the sexist, racist and extremely dangerous reflex about sexual behavior, so beloved by UNAIDS, WHO, CDC, PEPFAR, the Gates Foundation and various universities that have been prominent in the HIV industry.

Given what we so often hear about HIV being inextricably linked with poverty, unemployment, lack of education, isolation, poor access to health services, etc, it is worth emphasizing that the virus may often be more closely linked to the opposite of these factors. Of course, all of these factors are abhorrent and it should be the aim of every wealthy country to ensure that such conditions are alleviated. But if HIV is being transmitted through unsafe healthcare and other routes, all healthcare development must be SAFE healthcare, all HIV education must include information about non-sexual transmission, all employment and environments must exclude risks of bloodborne transmission of HIV, as much as possible.

So first we need to recognize that HIV is not solely transmitted through ‘unsafe’ sex and that it can be transmitted, perhaps far more easily, through unsafe healthcare, cosmetic procedures and traditional practices. ABC ‘strategies’ do not work because HIV transmission is not all about sex, not because Africans are too careless, promiscuous or ignorant (or even ‘disempowered’) to follow its patronizing advice. Safe sex has its place, but safe healthcare is a far more urgent issue in high HIV prevalence African countries right now. It’s not condoms that are failing to protect people against HIV, but the intransigence of UNAIDS and the rest of the HIV industry.

The curious state of medical ethics in the UK


The UK’s Medical Research Council funded a long-running study that watched HIV-positive men and women in Masaka, Uganda, who didn’t know they were infected, pass HIV to unsuspecting spouses. The same study asked adults who didn’t know they were infected to come to a clinic every three months so a doctor (who didn’t know they were infected) could see how they got sick and died of AIDS. The doctor had no drugs to treat HIV infection.

Leading medical journals have been silent about that and other ethical outrages perpetrated on Africans in the name of HIV research and prevention.

So it’s good to see Lancet Infectious Diseases, a leading medical journal published in the UK, pay some attention to ethics. Specifically, an editor’s note in the March 2014 issue suspects an unnamed reviewer to have committed a “breach of ethics”[1] by leaking an article [2] under review to an organization that put it on the web.

But was the leak unethical? Consider what was leaked.

The leaked article is a revised draft of a still-secret document that reviews evidence of the effect of Depo-Provera (hormone) injections for birth control on women’s risk to get HIV. The secret document was prepared by employees of USAID and the US Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. Because the document is still secret, we don’t know whether it could pass scientific scrutiny. The revised and published version, with serious methodological flaws,[3] concludes (p 806): “[A] causal effect [of Depo-Provera use on women’s HIV acquisition]…has not been shown.”

This conclusion is curious. Medical researchers accept that giving monkeys Depo injections increases their susceptibility to HIV-like virus.[4] Most studies that follow women to look for new HIV infections and ask about Depo find that women taking Depo are more likely to get HIV compared to women not taking Depo.[5]

The secret review was presented at a meeting organized by WHO in early 2012, bringing together 75 experts from 18 countries.[6,7] “The meeting was closed to the public. Invitees “were required to sign confidentiality agreements… They had to promise not to divulge anything that was said during the three days…”[8]

According to WHO, “The experts [attending the closed meeting] recommended that women living with HIV, or at high risk of HIV, continue to use hormonal contraceptives to prevent pregnancy.” Because WHO swore attendees not to talk about the meeting, there is no record of attendees’ support or opposition to that statement. Less than a month after the experts meeting, WHO recommended that “women…at high risk of HIV can safely continue to use hormonal contraceptives to prevent pregnancy.”[9]

With this recommendation, WHO urges health professionals to violate women’s human rights. According to the UN, “Failure to provide information, services and conditions to help women protect their reproduction health…constitutes gender-based discrimination and a violation of women’s rights to health and life.”[10] Similarly, the World Medical Association’s Declaration of Lisbon on the Rights of the Patient states: “Every person has the right to health education that will assist him/her in making informed choices about personal health and about the available health services.”[11]

Who currently controls the secret document? Lancet Infectious Diseases did not publish the draft document as submitted, but rather participated in review and revision. Is that an ethical violation – withholding from women the information used to develop birth control recommendations?

How is it that none of the 75 technical experts sworn to secrecy have leaked the document? Do they consider their promise to WHO to keep the paper secret to over-ride their ethical obligations as health care professionals to tell women about health risks?

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1. McConnell J. Editor’s note. Lancet Infectious Diseases 2014; 14: 182. Available at: http://download.thelancet.com/pdfs/journals/laninf/PIIS147330991370344X.pdf?id=caaVoShgq9KZ0gA3_6Rxu (accessed 10 May 2014).
2. Polis and Curtis. Use of hormonal contraceptives and HIV acquisition in women: a systematic review of the epidemiological evidence. Lancet Infect Dis 2012; 13: 797-808. Available at: http://download.thelancet.com/pdfs/journals/laninf/PIIS1473309913701555.pdf (accessed 10 May 2014).
3. The review of evidence excluded two studies that met the review’s stated criteria for inclusion but disagreed with the review’s conclusion (Malawi 2003-05 as reported in Kumwenda et al, Clin Infect Dis 2008, vol 46, pp 1913–20; and South Africa, as reported in Wand et al, AIDS 2012, vol 26, pp 375-380).
4. Highleyman L. ICAAC 2013: Tenofovir vaginal ring protects monkeys on Depo-Provera against HIV-like virus. 13 September 2013. Available at: http://www.hivandhepatitis.com/hiv-aids/hiv-aids-topics/hiv-prevention/4307-icaac-2013-tenofovir-vaginal-ring-protects-monkeys-from-hiv-like-infection (accessed 13 May 2013).
5. Don’t Get Stuck with HIV. Hormone injections increase women’s risk to get HIV. Available at: https://dontgetstuck.wordpress.com/hormone-injections-increase-womens-risk-to-get-hiv/ (accessed 13 May 2014).
6. WHO. WHO to issue guidance on hormonal contraceptives and HIV. WHO Media Center Statement 3 February 2012. Available at: http://www.who.int/mediacentre/news/statements/2012/contraceptives_20120203/en/ (accessed 10 May 2014).
7. WHO. WHO upholds guidance on hormonal contraceptive use and HIV. Media Center Notes for the Media. 16 February 2012. Available at: http://www.who.int/mediacentre/news/notes/2012/contraceptives_20120216/en/ (accessed 10 May 2014).
8. Donovan P. The UN’s gag order on reproductive health. AIDS-Free World, 13 February 2012. Available at: http://aids-freeworld.org/Our-Issues/Womens-Rights/~/media/Files/Womens%20Rights/UN%20gag%20order%20reproductive%20health.pdf (accessed 10 May 2014).
9. WHO. WHO upholds guidance on hormonal contraceptive use and HIV. Media Center Notes for the Media. 16 February 2012. Available at: http://www.who.int/mediacentre/news/notes/2012/contraceptives_20120216/en/ (accessed 10 May 2014).
10. http://www.unfpa.org/gender/empowerment.htm
11. World Medical Association. 2005. Declaration of Lisbon on the Rights of the Patient. Ferney-Voltaire, France: WMA. Available at: http://www.wma.net/en/30publications/10policies/l4/ (accessed 18 August 2012).

Why Swaziland’s Mass Male Circumcision Program Will Fail


Apparently USAID want to spend $24.5m on a mass male circumcision program in Swaziland, aiming to circumcise 150-200k males, including infants and others who are both too young to give their consent, and to be sexually active. There are three women infected for every two men, which makes one wonder why male circumcision is seen as the best way of spending this money. But for reasons best known to themselves, USAID and other institutions really want to spend money on mass male circumcision programs, even though they are destined to fail to reduce HIV transmission to any great extent, and may even increase transmission according to their own research.

The mass male circumcision program in African countries is predicated on almost all HIV transmission being a result of ‘unsafe’ sexual behavior. However, those who do not engage in such behavior will not be protected by circumcision. Researchers collecting figures for the Demographic and Health Survey suggest that some people may not report their sexual activity, which is as true in Swaziland as it is anywhere. But knowing someone is HIV positive does not tell you how they were infected. What about partner tracing? Were their partners tested? What about their non-sexual risks, such as unsafe healthcare, cosmetic and traditional practices? These are not as thoroughly investigated as people’s ‘unsafe’ sexual behavior, but without this information we can not know how they were infected. Even sexually active people are at risk of non-sexual transmission of HIV. Mass male circumcision will fail everyone at risk of being infected with HIV through non-sexual routes.

Aside from the fact that HIV prevalence among circumcised men is not that different from prevalence among uncircumcised men, about one fifth of men and almost one third of women aged 15-49 years are already HIV positive. Exactly how were all these people infected? It’s just assumed (by the HIV industry) that they must have been infected sexually. The 5.2% of women and 2.1% of men found to be HIV positive, but who said they had never had sexual intercourse, were also likely to have been infected by some non-sexual route.

The mothers of 11 out of 50 infants found to be HIV positive were themselves HIV negative, so those infants would have been infected through some other non-sexual route, probably through unsafe healthcare. Mother to child transmission (MTCT) is acknowledged as a non-sexual mode of transmission; it is even assumed when infants and young children are infected. But given the above mentioned findings, this assumption could easily be wrong even in some cases where the mother happens to be infected.

Mass male circumcision was introduced in Swaziland in 2007, targeting HIV negative men between 15-24 years and newborn babies (though it is available to all uncircumcised men). 13.3% of men in urban areas are already circumcised and 6.2% of rural men. Why is the practice less common in rural areas? The reason for the question is that HIV prevalence is higher in urban than rural areas and it would be interesting to know if sexual practices really are substantially different, or if conditions in and access to health services, health seeking behaviors and other, non-sexual circumstances were also different. Not many people would wish to be circumcised in health facilities where practices are unsafe, where they may be infected with the very disease the operation is said to avert.

It is reported that 43% of men between 15-49 years say they want to be circumcised, compared to 54% who say they do not. Saying you want to be circumcised is not the same as actually going ahead with the operation, as various mass male circumcision programs have already found. The use of the term ‘man’ is also suspect. How many children and people in their early to mid teens will also be railroaded into agreeing? Apparently the recruiters go to schools and press-gang whole classes to turn up to be circumcised in Kenya; once a few agree, all the others are afraid to refuse.

Rather pathetically, the Demographic and Health Survey finds that “the relationship between HIV prevalence and circumcision status is not in the expected direction”, meaning that prevalence is higher among circumcised men (21.8%) than uncircumcised men (19.5%), something that has been found in many countries. To be fair, the numbers of circumcised men are not high, so it’s hard to tell if the difference on its own deserves much attention.

A good deal of other potentially useful data about circumcision was collected, but not reported in the DHS Survey. For example, people were asked their reasons for circumcision, whether tradition/religion, health/hygiene, sexual satisfaction, ease of putting on a condom, other and don’t know. I suspect most people would have had it done, voluntarily or otherwise, for traditional or religious reasons because the health/hygiene arguments had yet to be manufactured when this report was completed; the increased sexual satisfaction argument is spurious and was also added in to the repertoire more recently; ease of putting on a condom, also entirely spurious, is relatively recent; one can only imagine what ‘other’ reasons may have been given, and why someone would choose to have a circumcision without knowing the reason, unless they had given in to peer pressure.

The Global Burden of Disease Report for Swaziland finds that HIV is the top cause of premature death in 2010, accounting for 41% of years of life lost, 341 per 1,000, an increase of 1,625% on the 1990 figures. But syphilis, which stood at number 7 in 1990, accounting for 3% of years of life lost, is no longer in the top 25. It fell further than any other disease over the 20 year period. Why is an easy to transmit infection like syphilis dropping in prevalence in a population said by the HIV industry to engage in high enough levels of ‘unsafe’ sexual behavior to result in the highest HIV prevalence in the world?

The list of reasons why mass male circumcision will fail, as will any other ‘intervention’ predicated on HIV being almost entirely sexually transmitted, goes on. Many people, probably a majority, only have one sexual partner; only a few have many. Most people don’t engage in ‘higher risk’ sex, though some do. Many people ‘take precautions’, though not enough. Factors such as residence, employment status, education level and wealth quintile are often said to determine people’s sexual behavior, but they also determine their health, health seeking behavior and many other things.

Even the sexual behavior data frequently contradicts assumptions about HIV being sexually transmitted. Among women, HIV prevalence is far higher for those who have ever used condoms (42.7%) than those who have never used them (29.4%). Among men too, prevalence is higher for those who have ever used condoms (30.7%) than those who have never used them (17.6%). Condoms protect against sexually transmitted HIV, not non-sexually transmitted HIV, a subtlety apparently lost on proponents of the sexual paradigm, and mass male circumcision programs.

Despite the best efforts of the HIV industry to find one, there is no unified theory of HIV transmission. It is not all transmitted through heterosexual sex and it is not all transmitted through non-sexual routes. The problem is, we don’t know what proportion is transmitted through sex and what proportion is transmitted through non-sexual routes. Some prevention interventions may work if guided by accurate data about how people are infected with HIV, which people and where. But in the absence of that data the bulk of transmissions will remain unaddressed. Mass male circumcision programs are not even vaguely targeted and only address sexual transmission, so they are irrelevant to the majority of people.

HIV Industry Insists that All Swans Are White, Despite Existence of Black Swans


There’s a recent article in the English Guardian about the US phenomenon of ‘purity balls‘, where daughters take a pledge to ‘remain pure’ (which clearly means they must ‘abstain’ from sex before marriage) and their father pledges to guard their virginity. Whatever people may feel about creepy ideas that some people in the most democratic nation in the universe may have, I find it even more objectionalbe that these ideas are imposed on HIV policies in countries with the worst epidemics in the world, all in sub-Saharan Africa.

The Zambian Demographic and Health Survey (DHS) for 2007 asserts on page 25: “Given that most HIV infections in Zambia are contracted through heterosexual contact…[etc]”. That’s no different from the implicit or (more frequently) explicit assumption that almost all HIV transmission in high HIV prevalence countries is a result of heterosexual sex, which you will find in DHSs for most (if not all) other African countries and in the bulk of publications on the subject. Never mind that most of these publications themselves present findings making it clear that not all HIV transmission is a result of heterosexual sex.

There’s an interesting video on YouTube demonstrating how people like to try to confirm what they already believe and it takes some coaxing to get them to change their protohypothesis, it’s worth watching. Similarly, many scientists who write about HIV seem so reluctant to change their (proto?)hypothesis that they end up making statements that are flatly contradicted by their evidence. The Zambian DHS is a good example because the authors find that 3.5% of people who never had sex are HIV positive (3.7% of women and 3.5% of men). Enter an alternative hypothesis?

Not quite. The authors say on page 261: “This suggests either that some women and men incorrectly reported that they were not sexually active or that there is some degree of non-sexual HIV transmission occurring (e.g., through blood transfusions or non-sterile injections, etc.).” You might expect this to lead to some kind of investigation of the possibility of such non-sexual transmission, because if it happened to non-sexually active people, it could also happen to sexually active people. Evidence of sexual activity is not evidence of the route of transmission of HIV, which is difficult to transmit through heterosexual sex but easy through contaminated blood.

The authors seem unaware of a Zambian study that came out the year before (perhaps because they, like me, do not have access to Sage Publications). The paper finds that “Medically administered intramuscular or intravenous injections in the past five years (but not blood transfusions) were overwhelmingly correlated with HIV prevalence, exceeding the contribution of sexual behaviours in a multivariable logistic regression.” They conclude “the disproportionate association of medical injection history with HIV highlights the need to investigate further and prospectively the role of health-care injection in sub-Saharan Africa’s HIV epidemic.”

I am not aware of the results of any such investigation for Zambia, nor for any other country. But there are numerous examples of HIV probably being transmitted through non-sexual routes, often discovered because infants are found to be HIV positive although their mothers are HIV negative. We have a collection of similar cases, and investigations that have taken place in non-African countries, where the possibility of non-sexually transmitted HIV is sometimes (thought not always) taken more seriously; hence the long list of cases compared to the short list of investigations.

The above paper was published 8 years ago and the DHS was published 7 years ago and another Zambian DHS will appear in the next year or two, following the collection of data that started in early 2013. In the meantime, Kenya has also carried out a DHS in 2012 and the report may appear as early as this year. But already, a number of papers has appeared which are based on the collected data. One of them was published this month, and it is available free of charge, so concerned researchers have no excuse for not examining the complete findings.

The Kenyan paper finds that there is a strong preference for injections over pills, a phenomenon that is very common in developing countries, many of which have poor quality health facilities with shortages of skilled personnel, equipment and supplies. While 95.9% of people were said to have observed the health practitioner opening a new injection pack, men and women who had received an injection in the previous 12 months were “significantly more likely to be HIV infected compared with those who had not received medical injection in the past 12 months”. Hardly a smoking gun, but this is a step in the right direction. People who don’t give the expected answer to questions are not necessarily mistaken, lying or deluded.

But we have a long way to go. A recent paper on students in Uganda notes that many students are sexually active but that few studies have measured HIV prevalence, or even prevalence of various sexually transmitted infections (STI). They find that “there is little evidence of substantially increased HIV risk among” 640 students in five large universities in Kampala, the capital. HIV prevalence was .4% among males and .9% among females. Rates for some STIs were higher, especially among females, but the question is, did the researchers start to wonder if sexual transmission may not account for all HIV transmission among sexually active people?

The Ugandan study was a ‘Crane Survey’, which seem to take an interest in sexual behavior and people thought to be most at risk of HIV infection, as a result of their sexual behavior of course. Many studies and many sources of funding concentrate on sexual risk and sexual behavior but very few concentrate on non-sexual risk or behavior. People in high HIV prevalence countries face serious risks through unsafe healthcare, cosmetic and traditional practices, but these are rarely alluded to and even less frequently the subject of thorough inquiry.

If you start with a hypothesis and aim to collect data that you believe supports the hypothesis, while systematically ignoring, denying or otherwise belittling any evidence that does not fit with your hypothesis, you will end up with a very biased view of your research field. Yet that is how much of the research into HIV transmission appears to proceed, as if we already know that almost all transmission is a result of sexual behavior, but we just have to find out what kind of sexual behavior. It’s time to change the hypothesis: some HIV transmission is not a result of sexual behavior, so let’s deal with it.

Absurd and stigmatizing estimates about how most adults in Malawi get HIV


The WHO and UNAIDS promote their Modes of Transmission model[1] to estimate numbers of HIV infections that adults get from various risks. The model has a simple mistake in its design – causing anyone who uses it to overlook crucial data on HIV in married couples and leading thereby to grossly inflated estimates of numbers of HIV infections acquired from spouses.[2,3]

Several experts recently used WHO’s and UNAIDS’s Modes of Transmission model to identify important risks in Malawi’s HIV epidemic. Their published results[4] provide another illustration of ridiculous, stigmatizing, and anti-family estimates produced by the model. Here’s the gist of what they conclude: Infections from spouses account for 81% of new HIV infections in Malawi (76,688 out of an estimated total of 94,455 infections; see Table).

Simple logic says this is absurd, even without looking at any evidence or data: The number of people getting HIV from their spouses cannot exceed the number of spouses bringing HIV into their families (from any source, such as unsafe health care or non-spousal sex partner). This is logically necessary year-by-year in an epidemic, such as Malawi’s, that has been more or less stable over time. Furthermore, a large percentage of people who are married and HIV-positive die without ever infecting their spouses. So the number of new infections coming from spouses will be much less than half of all new infections.

But that’s not what the model says. Where’s the problem?

The model starts out OK: Using data for 2007, the model finds 2,095,000 married men and 2,497,000 married women (roughly 20% of women were in polygamous marriages).[4] Next, using data from Malawi’s 2004 national Demographic and Health Survey,[5] the model recognizes that more than 10% of married men and women were HIV-positive. So far so good.

But then the model falls off the rails. It assumes that almost all HIV-positive married adults were a risk to infect their spouses. This ignores the well-documented fact that many people who are married and HIV-positive have partners who are also HIV-positive – no one is going to infect anyone in such couples. According to the same 2004 national survey, only 4% of married men in Malawi were at risk to get HIV from their wives (that is, 4% were HIV-negative with an HIV-positive wife), and only 5.7% of married women were at risk to get HIV from their husbands.

Table 1: Estimated number of HIV infections acquired from spouses

Model, risk category for married adults Number of married men Number of married women Model’s estimated number of infections from spouses
Estimates from the Modes of Transmission model (see reference 4)
People who are mutually monogamous 882,000 1,284,000 34,673
Married people who have casual partners 589,000 222,000
People whose spouses have casual partners 222,000 589,000 25,023
Clients of sex worker and wives of such men 388,000 388,000 16,978
 Men who have sex with men and wives of such men 14,000 14,000 14
Total married adults and total estimated infections from spouses according to the Modes of Transmission model 2,095,000 2,497,000 76,688
Alternate estimate recognizing that most HIV-positive married adults have HIV-positive spouses
Total married adults (from Modes of Transmission model) 2,095,000 2,497,000
Married and at risk to get HIV from a spouse (4% of married men, 5.7% of married women; see table12.10 in reference 5) 84,000 142,000
Estimated new infections (assuming a 6.6% annual rate of HIV transmission from wives to husbands and 9.9% from husbands to wives; see reference 2) 5,500 13,500 19,000

Thus, only 226,000 married adults (4% of husbands and 5.7% of wives) were at risk to get HIV from their spouses (see next to last row in the Table). How many of these 226,000 will get HIV from their spouses in a year? During the 1990s, 5 studies in Africa followed discordant couples (only one spouse HIV-positive) to watch HIV transmission from one to the other – distressingly, these studies did not routinely warn participants that they or their partner was infected. With few couples taking care to avoid transmission, 6.6% of HIV-positive wives infected husbands in a year, and 9.5% of HIV-positive husbands infected wives in a year (these rates are from a recent review [2]). With these rates of transmission, 226,000 HIV-positive married men and women in Malawi infected an estimated 19,000 spouses in 2007 – only 20% of the estimated 94,454 new HIV infections in Malawi in 2007.

The Modes of Transmission model’s gross and logically absurd overestimate of numbers of HIV infections from spouses is not harmless. Consider these damaging consequences:

1. Diverting attention from HIV risk in unsafe health care: If sex in marriage accounts for only 20% of new HIV infections instead of 81% as estimated by the Modes of Transmission model, then most infections need to be explained by other risks. What are those other risks? The Modes of Transmission model estimates that all non-spousal sex – casual, commercial, and male-male sex – accounts for a combined total of only 18% of infections. If all sexual risks account for only 38% of infections – 20% from spouses and 18% from other sex partners – what non-sexual risks account for the remaining 62% of infections? The Modes of Transmission model avoids this question by grossly overestimating numbers of HIV infections from spouses.

2. Stigmatizing HIV-positive adults: The estimate produced by the Modes of Transmission model – that sex accounts for more than 99% of HIV infections among adults – stigmatizes all HIV-positive adults with the charge they got it from sex. Publishing such estimates contributes to what could be considered a form of sexual abuse – spouses, relatives, and others accusing people of sexual behavior for which there is no evidence. The estimate coincides with racist stereotypes of sexual behavior, which protect it from critical review.

3. Undermining families: Stigmatizing all HIV-positive adults with the charge they got if from sex breeds suspicion among married adults when one or both learn they and/or their partner are HIV-positive. Lack of trust between spouses weakens families and harms children.

The motivation for such misinformation may be traced to a conflict of interest common among health care professionals – who do not want people to know that unsafe health care contributes to Africa’s HIV epidemics. Rather than admitting the obvious (and doing something about it), health care professionals have been blaming victims, insinuating that almost all African adults with HIV got it from sex. The Modes of Transmission model is part of that stigmatizing and racist smear.

References

1. UNAIDS. Modes of Transmission spreadsheet. Geneva: UNAIDS, 2012. Available at: http://www.unaids.org/en/dataanalysis/datatools/incidencebymodesoftransmission/ (accessed 24 April 2014).

2. Gisselquist D. UNAIDS’ Modes of Transmission model misinforms HIV prevention efforts in Africa’s generalized epidemics. Social Science Research Network, 24 August 2013. Available at: http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2315554 (accessed 24 April 2014).

3. Gisselquist D. Misinformation from UNAIDS’ flawed Modes of Transmission model. dontgetstuck, 14 September 2013. Available at: https://dontgetstuck.wordpress.com/2013/09/14/misinformation-from-unaids-flawed-modes-of-transmission-model/ (accessed 24 April 2014).

4. Maleta K, Bowie C. Selecting HIV infection prevention interventions in the mature HIV epidemic in Malawi using the mode of transmission model. BMC Health Services Research 2010; 10: 243. Available at: http://www.biomedcentral.com/content/pdf/1472-6963-10-243.pdf (accessed 22 April 2014). At the end of this article, see the link to Additional file 1: Data sources used to populate the Mode of Transmission model – Malawi 2007.

5. ORC Macro. Malawi Demographic and Health Survey 2004. Calverton: ORC Macro, 2005. Available at: http://dhsprogram.com/pubs/pdf/FR175/FR-175-MW04.pdf (accessed 26 April 2014).